Papers

• Hegemonic Islam and Pressures for Change: Constructing “Liberal” Muslims in Malaysia Saleena Saleem University of Liverpool

  This paper examines the social and political factors that contributed to the development of intra-Muslim group contestations centred around reinterpretations of religious traditions, and the consequent construction of new forms of divisions within the Muslim community in Malaysia. The paper builds on Cesari’s argument that a ‘Muslim national habitus” was created when Islamic institutions became part of the state system in post-colonial Muslim-majority countries (2016). In the Malaysian context, the Muslim national habitus resulted in a hegemonic version of Islam and exclusivist discourses on Malay dominance. This created growing pressures for change from affected segments of society, from both the non-Muslim ethnic minorities and from within the Muslim majority community.

  Through an examination of the example of a reformist-oriented Muslim women’s group that challenged hegemonic Islam in Malaysia, the paper elucidates why and how opposing political, religious and civil society actors variously responded to these pressures for change. In doing so, these actors constructed a discourse of the ‘liberal’ Muslim, which effectively rendered some Muslim groups as an inauthentic other. In light of recent political changes in Malaysia, the paper concludes with a consideration of the implications of this form of identity divisions within the Muslim community in Malaysia.

• Ideological Cleavages in Muslim Communities: The Liberal-Conservative Divide in Singapore Walid Jumblatt bin Abdullah Nanyang Technological University

  Much attention has been devoted to the study of sectarian cleavages within Muslim communities: typically, these studies revolve around theological divisions, for instance, the Sunni-Shia or the Sufi/traditionalist-Salafi divides. While these cleavages are undeniably pertinent, this paper focuses on a division within Muslim communities which is not analysed as much: the liberal-conservative cleavage.

  The paper focuses on the Singapore Muslim community. I postulate the following: 1) religious identities or cleavages may, and do, exist regardless of state politicization of these identities, and 2) in the case of Singapore, both liberals and conservatives generally attempt to court the state and work within what has been defined as acceptable, rather than challenge the parameters set by the state. In the process of doing so, neither liberal nor conservative Muslims can claim to be faithful to liberal or conservative principles, but rather, have to make pragmatic compromises.

  This study challenges the sectarianization thesis posited by Hashemi and Posner (2017) by arguing that Muslim identities are dependent on the agency of individuals, and are not necessarily the consequence of state politicization. To be sure, states most definitely attempt to wield influence over religious communities, but actors do possess agency, and Muslim identities must be understood from the lens of the protagonists themselves, while not discounting the role the state may play in shaping identities.

• Whither Sectarianization in Indonesia? An Examination of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah Relations Alexander R. Arifianto Nanyang Technological University

  The sectarianization thesis (Hashemi & Posner 2017) argues that ethno-religious cleavages between different Islamic sects within a given society occurs because their identities are politicized by state actors and elites to keep themselves in power. In the examination of the Indonesian case, I find while state actors do politicize and manipulate identities of different Indonesian Islamic groups – especially during Suharto’s authoritarian rule (1966-98) – cleavages between these groups also arises (and declines) due to how do the groups identify themselves vis-à-vis the other groups. External influence from transnational Islamic actors also plays an important role as well.

  This article examines the relationship between the two largest Indonesian Sunni Muslim organisations – Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. It finds while the group’s early history is characterised by sectarian rivalries between the two groups, over the past three decades such rivalries have gradually diminished. The two key factors that led to this diminished rivalry are: 1) political moderation conducted by leaders of both groups over the past three decades, and 2) perceived ideological threats from newer transnational Islamic groups - especially after Indonesia’s 1998 democratic transition. However, their rivalries can still resurface, especially during time of national elections, as the two organizations jockeying for political positions.

Abstract

Keywords

• Identity
• Islam
• Religion